Inside the secret battle to stop No Label

WASHINGTON — They were once friends before they were accused of running a multimillion-dollar negative campaign and a “conspiracy to commit extortion, voter intimidation and other criminal acts.” good friend.

The people who run No Labels and Third Way, two of Washington’s most prominent centrist groups, have all come together in the small world of Clinton-era center-left politics.

Nancy Jacobson, an early hire by Bill Clinton and founder of No Labels, helped raise the initial funding and secure the political blessings needed to launch Third Way. . The think tank was co-founded by John Cowan, whom Jacobson saw as something of a mentee. Cowan, now president of Third Way, even signed the ketubah (Jewish marriage contract) at the wedding of Mark Penn and Jacobson, whose company polled No Labels.

Then there’s the 2024 election, with No Labels seeking to present a bipartisan “unitary ticket” against both President Joe Biden and former President Donald Trump, backed by a reported $70 million budget. There was a decision. A centrist but staunchly Democratic third path says this is a misplaced hope that could only ruin Biden’s election and help Trump’s re-election, with potentially disastrous consequences. It was deemed that this was an initiative that was not effective.

“There were deep personal interests and connections,” Cowan said.

A civil war erupted between executives and moderates in steakhouses in Washington and Manhattan. Like many insider conflicts, it was deeply personal. There were betrayals, double agents, secret teams of political operatives, and most unlikely allies — and a decisive victory for one left a bittersweet feeling for the other.

Even some people close to No Labels admit that the Campaign Against No Labels has largely succeeded in its mission of dissuading potential candidates from joining No Labels. But the cost, they say, will be a deep wound at the heart of what remains of American centrism.

“What does the Third Way go back to?” asked former Representative Max Rose, a moderate New York Democrat who spoke to NBC News at Mr. Jacobson’s request. “Because it doesn’t seem logical for an organization that considers itself to be a centrist organization to randomly wage war against another organization like this.”

Or as Holly Page, a longtime moderate Democratic strategist who has worked with both groups but ultimately moved to the No Labels camp, says of the Third Way: . [former Biden chief of staff] Ron Crane. ”

No Labels was so outraged by what Page called the “little fraternity games” of the anti-No Labels campaign that it filed a complaint with the Justice Department. In a letter and an outraged press conference, they accused old friends and new allies of engaging in an “illegal conspiracy to destroy Americans’ voting rights” and violating anti-extortion laws typically used to prosecute the Mafia. criticized. There is no evidence that the Department of Justice has taken any action against compliant parties.

On the other hand, the Third Way and its allies believe that: They are The real moderates are here. They’ve assembled an actual bipartisan coalition of groups from Republicans to progressives to support a moderate Democratic president and stop Trump, who most people don’t think of as a moderate.

“You’re not building a pro-Biden coalition. It’s an anti-Trump coalition,” said Sarah, a Republican strategist and publisher of the conservative website Bulwark, which supported the anti-No Labels effort. Longwell said. “They will absolutely exclude people who would vote for Joe Biden if push came to shove.”

Similar beginnings lead to different paths

In many ways, Third Way was an unlikely leader of the No Labels counterattack.

Although both have long been dismissed by the left as stingy corporatists and crypto-republicans, Third Way and No Label exist in overlapping social circles and draw money from similar donors. and promote a common ideology. Third Way’s previous campaigns have been fighting progressive challengers in the House primary and trying to stop Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) from becoming the Democratic presidential nominee in 2020. As in the previous case, he took a left-wing position.

“Everyone in the centrist donor world knew that No Labels was handling this ticket, and everyone knew that we were leading the opposition. I was there,” Cowan said. “And on the other side were some of the wealthiest people in this country, and they were very angry at us.”

Third Way lost its board members to No Labels, and its leaders received word from several other unfortunate donors that they should not expect another penny.

But while Third Way is essentially a Democratic Party organ, Jacobson has fallen out of the ranks of the party (or been kicked out, depending on who you ask). And now, No Labels sees itself as the only group righteous and innovative enough to think beyond the deficit – the Blue Divide.

Still, that familiarity speaks well enough for Third Way to understand No Labels’ language and the people funding it, as well as how to approach potential candidates it’s trying to hire. It meant that I did.

And the Third Way’s modest credentials mean that everyone from its affiliate members of Congress to New York Times columnist David Brooks (the first major voice to raise the unity flag, but was later dropped), No Labels. It helped select potential allies. The first family of Democratic centrists.

The former president and secretary of state needed little convincing about the threat posed to Biden by third-party camps. Hillary Clinton had placed some of the blame for her 2016 loss on the Green Party. So last July, over lunch at their home in Chappaqua, New York, the Clintons, joined by their respective aides, discussed strategy with Cowan and Third Way Vice President Matt Bennett, and offered informal support through their networks. He said he swore. Along with the meeting.

Bill Clinton joins the anti-recruitment team opposing No Labels, targeting No Labels targets Democratic Sen. Joe Manchin (West Virginia) and former Maryland Gov. Larry Hogan (R). However, he personally complained that he could not become a third-party candidate. win.

“Pearl Harvard”

Jacobson expressed anger, disappointment and feelings of betrayal at Third Way’s actions. “We were attacked at Pearl Harbor,” she told her supporters by phone, as first reported by Pac.

Bill Clinton’s lobbying efforts were part of a broader campaign built around Third Way’s “war room” and involving dozens of groups and celebrities from the left, center, and anti-Trump right.

As Bennett said at the group’s first large gathering, they created “an idea in the minds of political elites and the people they speak to that if you engage in this…you… Your entire reputation and legacy will be truly at risk. ”

The Third Way has identified a long list of potential No Labels targets and is seen as a mutual friend or ally – a trusted messenger – between potential candidates and the anti-No Labels coalition. I set out to find people. No Labels announced that 30 candidates were successful. And in the end, all names that surfaced were contacted, the opposition coalition said.

Third Way leaders worked on the Democratic side after securing the blessings of party leaders at the White House, Capitol Hill, and the Democratic National Committee. Meanwhile, a secret team of anti-Trump Republican allies and 10 to 20 Republican operatives is making an appeal to potential candidates, including research commissioned by former Rep. Liz Cheney’s pollsters. The survey concluded that he would not be able to win the candidacy with no support. label.

All potential candidates receive messages tailored to their pressure points, including their financial needs, heritage, and future political prospects, from trusted figures such as local business leaders, clergy, and former aides. Ta.

The main goal was to make it impossible to deliver the kind of big-ticket tickets No Labels had promised.

“This was elite-driven,” Bennett said. “We couldn’t deny them money because we knew they had enough donors. But we knew they expected a high-level candidate with a certain stature. , they also knew enough about their donors not to accept anyone who was clearly untrustworthy.”

Their targets included highly publicized suspects like Manchin, Hogan and former South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley, but they were particularly concerned about former Tennessee Gov. Bill Haslam. Because he’s a self-funded billionaire.

unlikely allies

It wasn’t just anti-Trump Republicans like the Lincoln Project and former Weekly Standard editor Bill Kristol who joined the Third Way effort to repeal the no-label. Mainstream Democrats like Klain and former Democratic Sen. Doug Jones of Alabama were joined by left-wing leaders accustomed to fighting rather than working with the Third Way.

Having lunch with Bennett and working with his group, she said she was able to “humanize” people she considered “enemies” and often debates with moderate Democrats on issues such as student loans. left-wing activist Melissa Byrne said.

“Print this in all caps and bold,” Byrne insisted, saying he would go to war with the Third Way again over policy if necessary.

Bennett and Lana Epting, executive director of the liberal group MoveOn, ended up working closely together, holding a series of meetings on Capitol Hill, in the media, and even in a public forum against No Labels strategists for the bizarre They performed a couple routine.

“While our partnership with Third Way to come together to stop No Label may come as a surprise to some, it proves how high the stakes are in keeping President Trump out of the White House.” Ting said.

Meanwhile, some Republicans joined Democratic campaigns because of similar calculations. Despite their policy differences, Republicans were united by their opposition to Mr. Trump and their shared belief that a third-party candidate could be a decisive benefit to Mr. Trump.

“If you want to try something from a third party, go crazy, but not this year,” said Rick Wilson, co-founder of the Lincoln Project, another cornerstone of the anti-no-label movement. Ta.

This broad coalition also included secret members from the most unlikely of sources: No Labels themselves.

No Labels did its best to keep the names of delegates, donors and potential candidates secret. But she felt that the anti-No Label movement knew a lot about what was going on behind the curtain, thanks to No Label delegates who became disillusioned and started leaking information to the other side.

Cowan and Bennett say the turncoats, whom Cowan and Bennett only describe as “average citizens” who initially joined No Labels because they truly believed in its mission, “have been incredibly helpful to us and… He did so at some personal sacrifice and risk,” Bennett said.

People familiar with No Labels’ thinking said they don’t dispute there is a leaker, but they don’t know who it is.

But allies of No Labels say this kind of cloak-and-dagger tactic is a sign that purported defenders of democracy and voting rights are opposed to other parties’ access to voting rights. They say it highlights hypocrisy.

“It’s just disheartening to see partisans and politicians defending their turf,” said former Rep. Joe Cunningham, a Democrat from South Carolina who worked with No Labels.

Mr. Rose, a former New York state congressman, said No Labels’ ticket to the presidential race was always unexpected, and that his opponent’s victory lap was “somebody who’s just going to see where things go and try to claim credit.” ”, he said.

“No Labels actually looked at something that didn’t have legs and made a very noble decision not to pursue it,” he said.

NoLabels’ 2024 push is over, but third-party candidates are still campaigning, especially Robert, another former Democrat who could impact Biden’s chances in November.・There is Mr. F. Kennedy Jr. The conflict comes even as the Third Way remains committed to fighting Biden’s third enemy.

The Third Way proved to be the right group to defeat No Labels. Will they also be able to defeat the Outsiders?