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When I started my work as High Representative in 2019, I said: “Europe needs to learn to speak the language of power.” I was already convinced that security needed to become a major priority for Europe. But at the time I had no idea exactly how much danger Europe would be exposed to in the coming years.
We live in an increasingly multipolar world with declining multilateralism. Power politics is once again dominating international relations. All forms of exchange are being weaponized: trade, investment, finance, information, immigration. This represents a paradigm shift in thinking about European integration and relations with the rest of the world. Specifically, we must act decisively based on her three working elements:
1 Strengthening Europe’s economic security
First, European security needs to be understood in a broader sense. It has emerged that Europe is no longer producing medical face masks or paracetamol during the COVID-19 pandemic. And Russia’s heavy dependence on energy reinforced Putin’s belief that Europe would be unable to counter a full-scale invasion of Ukraine.
We are at risk because we are overly dependent on a few countries for many critical supplies. For too long we Europeans have lived in the illusion that doux commerce is enough to bring peace to the world. We learned the hard way that the world doesn’t work this way.
That is why we have decided to “de-risk” our economy by limiting over-reliance and taking measures, especially on raw materials and components essential to the green and digital transition.
Our economic security strategy is not “decoupling” but “risk reduction.” The EU has always been open to trade and investment and wants to remain so.
This is not “decoupling” but “derisking”. The European Union has always been open to trade and investment and wants to remain so. Reducing risk means strengthening trade and investment links with Latin America and Africa, for example, to diversify supply chains.
With respect to China in particular, there is a need to reduce overdependence in certain areas, particularly those central to the green and digital transition, and to rebalance trade relations. This rebalancing is urgently needed. Last year’s trade deficit with China was a staggering €291 billion, accounting for 1.7% of the EU’s GDP.
There is an urgent need to restore balance to trade relations with China. Our trade deficit last year was a staggering €291 billion, accounting for 1.7% of the EU’s GDP.
Just last month, the Chinese government announced plans to invest heavily in high-tech manufacturing. This means that the technology industry will face even more intense competition in the coming years. It is important to protect the industry from unfair competition. We have already begun to do so for electric vehicles, solar panels, and other net-zero industries.
Although our values and political systems are very different and we hold opposing views on the universality of human rights, I want to be clear: we do not want to return to conflict between blocs. We are too interdependent for that. And cooperation with China is essential to solving the major global challenges of our time, such as climate change.
2 Putting defense at the center of European policy
Security is more than just defense, but there is no doubt that defense will continue to be at the core of any security strategy. With Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine, we have seen a resurgence of territorial disputes and the use of violent military force in Europe that we have intellectually ignored.
The war poses an existential threat to the EU at a time when American involvement in Europe is becoming less certain. Even if President Putin succeeds in destroying Ukraine’s independence, he will not stop there. If he wins, despite clear support for Ukraine from European and American citizens, this will send a dangerous signal about our ability to stand up for what we believe in.
We need a paradigm shift in European defense. Our union was built around the internal market and economy. And this worked well to bring about peace among the peoples of the Commonwealth. However, we cannot simply continue on this path. For too long, we have entrusted our security to the United States, and for the past three decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall, we have quietly allowed disarmament.
We must take on strategic responsibilities, be able to defend Europe ourselves, and build a strong European pillar within NATO.
We must take on strategic responsibilities, be able to defend Europe ourselves, and build a strong European pillar within NATO. And we need to make this leap in a very short period of time. It’s not because we’re going to war. On the contrary, we want to stop any aggressor by having the means to reliably stop it.
This does not mean creating a European army. Defense will continue to be the exclusive prerogative of Member States for the foreseeable future. The first step is to increase spending at the national level. In 2023, an average of 1.7% of GDP is spent on defense, and this proportion should increase to more than 2%.
But even more important is spending together to close gaps, avoid duplication, and increase interoperability. Currently, only 18% of equipment purchases by our military are made collaboratively. This is despite the fact that in 2007 he set a benchmark of 35%.
There is also an urgent need for a leap forward in the defense industry. Since the war with Ukraine began, European militaries have purchased 78% of their new equipment from outside the EU. Although we have made significant progress in recent months, it remains difficult to send enough ammunition to support Ukraine. Additionally, we face significant qualitative challenges in new military technologies such as drones and artificial intelligence.
One of the big lessons of the war against Ukraine is that technological superiority is key. This is especially true when facing an enemy whose life is cheap.
One of the big lessons of the war against Ukraine is that technological superiority is key. This is especially true when facing an enemy whose life is cheap. We need an indigenous defense industry to meet our needs.
Achieving this requires huge investments. The most promising means to achieve this goal are, firstly, changing the European Investment Bank’s lending policy to allow investment in the defense sector and, secondly, combating the COVID-19 pandemic. In the same way that they were especially successful, they issued common bonds. However, these discussions are at an early stage among Member States and it is important to involve everyone.
A change in mindset is also necessary for the defense to make a leap forward. We’ve heard from arms producers that they struggle to hire the best technical talent. Similarly, private investors are often discouraged from investing in defense companies. All Europeans must understand that effective defense is a prerequisite for the survival of our social, environmental and democratic models.
3 Work to prevent “rest against the West”
Ukraine is not the only war happening on our doorstep. As we have witnessed, Hamas’s brutal terrorist attacks against Israel and Israel’s disproportionate response are ongoing and threaten to spread the war across the Middle East region. Last weekend’s Iranian attack on Israel. Our response calls into question Europe’s ability to be an effective geopolitical actor in this conflict.
Regarding Ukraine, we have proven that we are united and can respond decisively. But in the face of tens of thousands of deaths, mainly women and children, and starvation for 2 million people, we have so far stopped the fighting in Gaza, ended the humanitarian disaster, freed the hostages, and failed to begin to effectively implement one policy. A national solution is the only way to bring sustainable peace to the region.
Our limited influence in this conflict that directly affects our future is not limited by a lack of means. We are Israel’s main partner in trade, investment and people-to-people exchanges, and our association agreement with this country is the most comprehensive of all. We are also the main international financial supporter of the Palestinian people.
But until now we have been very inefficient. Because as a union bound by unanimity, we were divided. Our common position has sometimes taken a backseat to that of the United States, for example on sanctions against violent settlers in the West Bank. Furthermore, we have sent conflicting signals, for example regarding support to UNRWA.
Our division has taken a heavy toll, not only in the Arab world, but also in many countries in Africa, Latin America, and Asia. The differences between our countries’ responses to the wars in Ukraine and Palestine have been extensively exploited by Russian propaganda. And this propaganda has been very successful, as we have witnessed especially in the Sahel region. That’s because it comes on top of existing grievances, such as the unequal distribution of vaccines during the coronavirus pandemic, overly restrictive migration policies, and a lack of funding to tackle climate change. Or an international organization that reflects his 1945 world rather than today’s world.
We need to act decisively in the coming months to prevent the strengthening of alliances “against the West”, including as a result of the Middle East conflict. To effectively counter this threat, we must adhere to our principles. wherever. In addition to words, we can also consider using tools if these principles are violated. The determination we showed in Ukraine should guide us in other parts of the world.
Download the book: “Europe between two wars”
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