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Last month, Sen. J.D. Vance (R-Ohio) flew to the Munich Security Conference, which was attended by leading European officials, including Volodymyr Zelensky. In his speech, Senator Vance delivered some tough love to his European audience about the need for Europe to play a more important role in protecting itself from external threats. He specifically touched on Europe’s weakness despite European concerns over Russia and NATO conflict.
“It’s very difficult,” Vance said. “I juxtaposed the idea that Putin poses an existential threat to Europe with the fact that we’re trying to convince our allies to spend 2 percent of their GDP. Those ideas are very tense. I don’t think President Vladimir Putin is an existential threat to Europe, but he is a threat unless Europe takes a more active role in its own security. This suggests that it will not happen.”
Vance’s rhetoric reflects his preference for realism and restraint. American power should be used decisively, but only sparingly and as necessary. Diplomacy should always be considered before resorting to military action. Going forward, the United States will no longer pursue conflicts unrelated to U.S. national security. European countries therefore need to strengthen their internal defenses to deal with challenges that directly affect their national security.
Europe’s lack of strategic autonomy is not entirely its own fault. Many U.S. academics and policymakers have long been skeptical of Europe’s ability to defend itself, perpetuating a culture in which European powers rely on the U.S. security umbrella. But a coalition of Republicans, including Sen. Vance, insist that the United States should push Europe toward strategic autonomy.
These policymakers are not alone in believing that Europe should do more to protect itself.2023 poll by newsweek It found broad American support for NATO and Ukraine, but suggested voters wanted to see the European ally steer toward greater military independence. The shift toward realism and restraint in U.S. foreign policy is an enduring trend. The American people have long supported this policy because they recognize the mistakes committed by foreign adventurism.
Congressional resistance and skeptical public opinion demonstrate that the aspirations of foreign policy elites, especially in Ukraine, come at an intolerable price. US support for Ukraine remains in flux, and its future is not guaranteed. Therefore, the United States and its European allies need to mutually understand that the status quo is not sustainable.
The Russo-Ukrainian war highlighted the stagnation of Europe’s defense industry. Although a small number of countries, mainly Poland and the Baltic states close to Russia, have met NATO’s 2% GDP spending target, many of NATO’s wealthiest members fall short of the 2% threshold. Even though Germany signaled a commitment to significantly increase military spending at the start of the Ukraine conflict, as German Chancellor Olaf Scholz promised to reverse a decades-long self-proclaimed trend of neglecting the military, Berlin We failed to meet our spending goals for 2022. Similarly, despite France’s desire to exercise strategic autonomy, Paris has also fallen short of it.
The U.S. government must seek to provide incentives for Europe to change its position on its security. As it stands, US foreign policy is so Eurocentric that the foreign policy community is often made up of “Cold War warriors” or people who came of age during the post-1991 “period of unipolarization.” The US government is interested in what kind of policy Ukraine can implement. This is because Ukraine provides depth to NATO’s eastern flank to protect itself and deter future attacks from Russia. But with higher priorities related to American prosperity, such as China’s possible invasion of Taiwan, Europe must work to bridge the gap left by Washington.
With Europe providing the bulk of military aid to Kiev, accompanied by a ceasefire or rapprochement in Ukraine, the success of the formidable defense of Ukraine would be greatly increased. Denying Moscow the ability to make further gains would bring lasting peace and ideally end the cycle of violence.
The future growth of Europe’s defense industry will not be quick or easy. Justin Logan, director of defense and foreign policy studies at the Cato Institute, said Washington will become more assertive in its demands on its allies, policymakers will publicly reassess U.S. operations overseas, and more. He outlined practical proposals for changing the NATO status quo, including maintaining ambiguity regarding U.S. deployments overseas. Where and under what conditions will they fight for the interests of their allies? This U.S.-led transition will take considerable time, but we need to work with urgency to start the process as soon as possible.
The current situation in the Russo-Ukrainian war should serve as a wake-up call for Washington and its NATO allies. A change in attitude could be a valuable exercise for Europe to grapple with current geopolitical challenges, with the understanding that the U.S. government cannot and will not permanently help defend itself. There is. This message needs to be conveyed clearly, and it is up to Europe to decide how it responds.
alex little A graduate of Georgia Tech’s master’s program, he specializes in Russian and Central Asian issues and is a Young Voices contributor.
Image: Shutterstock.com.
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