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Now, it looks like the company may have another rare feature on its hands. The claim was that he was forced to do so by filing a dismissal petition.
This week, two demobilization efforts began to force votes on Ukraine, Israel, and Taiwan. House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-Louisiana) has expressed reservations about the foreign aid package, which passed with 70 votes in the Senate but is opposed by far-right groups, and given the apparent dire situation in Ukraine. Since then, lawmakers have reached out to little-used policies and aid programs. A tool that rarely succeeds.
Effectively, an expulsion petition forces the House to vote on something as long as a majority of the chamber signs it. However, while this seems relatively easy, it is actually not. I’ll explain why later.
A single expulsion petition from House Democrats would force a vote on the Senate package. Another, from a small group of bipartisan lawmakers, said it would combine border security measures with aid to Ukraine, Israel and Taiwan.
Whether one side will ultimately reach a majority will be decided in the future. But it seems quite likely that they will at least influence us in ways we rarely see.
The former petition has 177 supporters, but only a minority of Democrats. And given the reluctance of some progressive Democrats to support Israel, a significant number of Republicans will likely need to be rounded up in ways never seen before.
For historically weak (and potentially temporary) speakers, it doesn’t seem to matter much. The urgency of aid to Ukraine is also likely to drive foreign policy hawks who believe aid needs to be passed to take this type of unusual action.
That’s important. The reason is the same reason why dismissal petitions are rarely successful. This is because members of the majority party are reluctant to sign a bill, even if they agree with it, because it is seen as undermining their leadership.
House Rules Committee Chairman Tom Cole (R-Okla.) said so bluntly.
“Sooner or later, [foreign aid] He said it was reaching the floor, according to Politico. He added: “So either we band together and create our own package and put it on the floor, or we have to put up with whatever the discharge petition is. ” he added.
Mr. Cole’s comments address the most likely impact of the discharge petition. It’s not just that one of the two could end up winning a majority and forcing a vote.it’s also just a thing threat Some of them could spur the House into action.
But even if it were the latter, it would be rare.
Sarah Binder of the Brookings Institution has been compiling data on discharge requests for years. As of May, she had counted 639 discharge petitions since 1935, but less than 4 percent had been directly successful. But at a similar rate, the credible threat posed by her petition led the House to act.
These are still significant numbers. Approximately 8 percent of discharge petitions were successful in some way. But if you look at Binder’s latest data, you’ll also notice that these numbers have declined significantly in recent decades.
In the 21st century, two major examples of successful termination petitions include the 2002 Republican Party’s rejection of the chair and passage of campaign finance reform, and the 2015 reauthorization of the Export-Import Bank by a bipartisan group. It was just a forced vote.
The most important question in all of this, of course, is what Johnson will do. Although he has voted against aid to Ukraine in the past, he also speaks about how important this aid and Ukraine’s success is. And while he has ruled out bringing the Senate package to the full House floor, he has spoken more in terms of allowing the House to act on its own terms.
His problem is that the situation in Ukraine is so tough that even members of his own party are starting to get nervous. As a novice speaker, you have no idea what path you’re going to take or what you’ll even be able to do. His meetings were difficult, so he had few good options. He suggested to Politico on Thursday that any vote would likely be based on rules requiring a two-thirds majority and would be a standalone bill. But he stopped short of committing to a vote, and he even suggested the possibility of decoupling aid from Ukraine and Israel.
It may then actually be politically desirable to force his hand with a release petition, allowing him to cite that fact when Ukrainian funding skeptics complain. do not have. Notably, some far-right politicians, such as Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.), have sought to place blame on Mr. (McCarthy style) Petition for Discharge.
But even if Johnson tries to use it as an excuse, the fact that Congress needed to use this historically rare tool to get this done speaks volumes about how unwieldy House Republicans have become. will tell the story.
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