It’s time to send EU troops to Ukraine

When President Macron said on February 26 that European countries might send troops to Ukraine, politicians across the continent grabbed their iPhones and scrutinized exactly what he was saying. You can easily imagine the situation.

“Nothing should be ruled out,” the French president said. “We will do whatever it takes to make sure Russia doesn’t win this war.”

Germany, Poland, the Czech Republic and Spain immediately opposed the idea, with German Chancellor Olaf Scholz stating on February 27 that “there are no ground forces or soldiers sent from European or NATO countries on Ukrainian soil.” I won’t.”

The country’s deputy prime minister pointedly suggested that France should forget about the deployment and consider sending more weapons instead. (Germany is Ukraine’s second-largest donor, outnumbering Paris by more than 27 to 1 in bilateral military aid.)

But while President Macron’s words were alarming for some neighboring countries, the second element of his statement is that a victory for Russia means a severe defeat for everyone. This reflects a growing consensus.

European leaders are now urgently considering the possibility of a U.S. regime change, as they report their militaries are unprepared for large-scale combat.

But Europe has options beyond NATO. The European Union (EU) has sought to operationalize the concept of EU strategic autonomy since 2013. This independent approach is supposed to address issues such as democracy, economy, and security through a common security and defense policy.

The reality is that if weapons deliveries continue to be delayed, the risk of Ukraine’s defeat increases. EU leaders should now exercise their strategic autonomy by sending troops to Ukraine.

Since 2003, the EU has deployed 37 military missions under the EU flag to three continents, providing everything from logistics to guarding the border between Ukraine and Belarus and protecting major Ukrainian cities west of the Dnieper River from Russian aggression. It is responsible for supporting Ukraine in a wide variety of missions.

Forward deployment of EU troops would allow Ukrainian military units to be used on the front lines, creating more combat power. Passive support would allow the EU to reform Ukraine’s logistics and move maintenance facilities closer to the front lines, rather than redeploying assets to Poland or Romania for repairs.

More active missions could include providing border security, guarding major cities, and guarding air defense zones west of the Dnieper River. These actions would prevent Russia from opening a new front from Belarus and prevent cruise missile and drone attacks on Ukrainian civilians and critical infrastructure. Any development by the EU would send a strong signal to Russia and Washington that it is a force to be taken seriously.

Of course, using military force would require sending a clear message to President Putin that EU forces will only carry out defensive operations and that EU operations will not escalate.

The EU’s strategic autonomy gives European countries the opportunity to ensure that they pursue policies independent of NATO and the United States. The continued strategic drift of the United States means that the EU can take the lead in protecting and supporting Ukraine through deeds as well as words.

A military operation like this with the EU inside Ukraine would have major repercussions.

First, the EU’s strategic autonomy would demonstrate its willingness to militarily protect an independent and democratic Ukraine. Such an EU protection force would legitimize the role and value of the EU, since its main purpose is the protection of civilians and infrastructure.

Second, the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague is investigating Russia’s attacks on civilian infrastructure as war crimes. The humanitarian and legal position would be clear, as EU forces would deter attacks, while EU air defenses would be able to protect major Ukrainian cities from Russian cruise missiles and drones.

Thirdly, the EU already operates the EU Military Assistance Mission in Support of Ukraine (EUMAM-Ukraine) to train and equip 40,000 Ukrainian soldiers, so moving troops bearing the EU flag to Ukraine would , the quality of training will improve by providing opportunities for EU advisors and training officers. Observe Ukrainian TTP (Tactics, Techniques, Procedures).

Finally, Ukrainian military and security forces are being stretched thin to prevent a new Russian invasion from Belarus. Deploying EU troops along these border areas would allow Ukraine to direct more resources and personnel to its eastern lines of communication. Such an EU protection force would enable more than 20 Ukrainian brigades to undertake EUMAM training and combat missions.

The decision to forward EU forces could be due to Brussels imposing overly restrictive rules of engagement (ROE) or potentially not providing enough troops and equipment to reliably protect its own positions. Some may scoff at the idea.

However, if the EU is committed to achieving strategic autonomy and ensuring that Ukraine remains free and independent, it is in Europe’s vital interest to prevent Russia from defeating Ukraine militarily. Become.

After all, the EU has an opportunity to thwart imperial land grabs by boldly sending defense forces to Ukraine. Such a hypothetical deployment would put an end to the current burden-sharing debate, especially in Washington. If European troops were deployed to a combat zone, it would be difficult for American politicians to accuse Europeans of free riding.

It is clear that there are risks associated with having EU troops in Ukraine, but it is risk avoidance that Putin is trying to exploit. The EU cannot allow its forces to be paralyzed by fear of casualties. This will be solely a defense mission in support of continental European sovereignty and peace.

Dr. G. Alexander (Alex) Crowther is a non-resident senior fellow in the Transatlantic Defense and Security Program. European Policy Analysis Center (CEPA). Since 2005, he has published in a variety of formats and locations, mainly on cyber and European security issues.

Lieutenant Colonel Jahara ‘Frankie’ Matisek, Ph.D.@JaharaMatisek) teeth military professor U.S. Naval War College, National Security Agency, European Naval War College Research Fellow Resilience Initiative CenterU.S. Department of Defense Minerva Co-principal investigator To improve Western security assistance.

The views expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official views of the Department of the Air Force, the U.S. Naval War College, the Department of Defense, or the U.S. government. This article was supported by the Air Force Office of Scientific Research under award number FA9550-20-1-0277.

edge of europe is CEPA’s online journal covering important topics related to foreign policy in Europe and North America. All opinions are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the positions or views of the institutions they represent or the Center for European Policy Analysis.